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By mid-19th century, capitalism had replaced feudalism in many countries. Together with it the proletariat, the most progressive and consistently revolutionary class whose mission was to put an end to exploitation of man by man and establish a new, communist society, emerged on the historical scene. The proletariat''s liberation movement confronted science with the exceptionally important tasks of formulating a scientific theory that would help it accomplish its historic mission and become its ideological weapon in the fight against capitalism, for socialism and communism. Science fulfilled this insistent demand of history: the brilliant leaders of the working class and of all working people, Marx and Engels, evolved Marxism whose component and theoretical foundation is Marxist philosophy, dialectical and historical materialism

Years ago, the controlling view held that the response of the slaves in the United States to their bondage "was one of passivity and docility". That opinion, so decisive a part of the chauvinism afflicting the nation, is shown to be false in this book and in the material accumulated since its initial appearance has further substantiated this thesis; namely, that the African-American people, in slavery, forged a record of discontent and of resistance comparable to that marking the history of any other oppressed people.

The Autobiography of Hugh Mulza.

Sidney Finkelstein''s contribution to the understanding of music with Composer and Nation is unusual in some respects, and well worth presenting again to a new audience. Only rarely have recent music writers looked at long spans of history. With the proliferation of scholars and the ever-increasing historical detail available from their work, the task of compiling a one-volume history of music is formidable.Well written, and intended for both the amateur as well as the musician, this volume approaches a time span of 300 years, from 1700 to the present. The presentation avoids detailed analysis of works and does not aim at complete coverage of historical detail. Instead, Finkelstein surveys major details of what is usually called the modern era from an unpretentious sociological premise, namely that musical values and the relationship of the composer to society are reflected in the musical works. It follows then that the structure and texture of the work would reflect the composer''s view of society and that important musical events offer insight into contemporary social and historical currents. Finkelstein presents an outline of the era from the viewpoint of the musical sociologist.His lively writing style, in the best tradition of the amateur, and his observation post-removed from the usual musicological context make this new edition a welcome addition to musical and sociological literature.

The history of Communists and American labor raises three questions. Were the Communists legitimate (or good) trade unionists? Were they an important influence in the labor movement? Were they good Communists? These questions involve matters that go beyond the history of Communists in the auto industry. Consequently, this work does not provide the last word on them. Yet, raising these questions has a point. It enables the expression of views on these questions that differ from others that have been written about Communists and labor and what assumptions lie behind this work. Finally, this book refutes some commonly held ideas about Communists and labor. The introduction also discusses several problems of method: the identification of Communists and the reliability of Communist sources and oral history.

Ever since the Bolivarian Revolution began in Venezuela in 1998-99, the United States government - on behalf of its various allies - pursued a policy of hybrid war to undermine and destroy Bolivarianism. This hybrid war has included the unilateral, criminal sanctions regime which has been deepened during the COVID-19 pandemic; the Venezuelan people are being suffocated by a policy imposed on them. Venezuela's only provocation was to chart out a path for itself that consolidates the country's sovereignty and improves the life of the Venezuelan people. Viviremos, say the Venezuelans as they struggle to uphold their dignity, we will live. The authors of this book chart out the character of the unilateral, criminal sanctions and offer heartfelt assessments of how this hybrid war is being prosecuted by the United States and how it is being resisted by the people. Their essays are a contribution to ending the imperialist attack on Venezuela. Contributors: Carlos Ron, Claudia De La Cruz, Manolo De Los Santos, Vijay Prashad, Prabhat Patnaik, Ana Maldonado, Paola Estrada, Zoe PC, Samuel Moncada, Joe Sammut, Gregory Wilpert, Anya Parampil, Belén Fernández, Miguel Stédile, and George Ciccariello-Maher.

Twelve distinguished short stories about what we used to call the American proletariat. People on strike; people on relief; people waiting for Sacco and Vanzetti to die; a young girl, pregnant, hungray yet somwhow assuged by the pear tree outside her window. Le Suer describees them with a passionate and convincingg partisianshipMiss Le Suer has developed a personal style, is moved by tremendous themes of the modern world and suffuses her work with a rather rare quality of reverence for humanity, of intimacy and pride regarding women and motherhood. Her 'Annunciation' is the evocation of an original artist beautifully reverent, with high solemnity, gravely achieved affirmations of life, an approach too infrequent amomng the realist and naturalist school of writers.

Communism Through My Eyes: My Father Robert Trujillo, 1903 - 1986 by Mary Lou Salazar, PhD is the fascinating story of an iconic but little-known figure in Colorado's political and social history: Mary Lou's father, Robert Trujillo, became a communist in 1936 during the hardships of the Great Depression, later becoming the Chairman of the Communist Party in Colorado. He remained a communist for fifty years, until his death in 1986. As his youngest daughter, the eighth of nine children, Mary Lou shares with us her childhood memories, as well as the historical facts, about her beloved father, Robert Trujillo.Mary Lou tells us, as a wide-eyed little girl, of sitting on the steps in her house looking down into her living room at the dozens of people who frequently gathered there. They came to feast on her mother's tamales and listen to her father, Robert, make rousing speeches about justice and equal rights for the common people; rights guaranteed by the U.S. Constitution regardless of race, religion, gender or socio-economic status. Robert wanted to improve the rights of the common people through equal opportunities for jobs, food, housing, education, and medical help.Though a communist who believed deeply in the rights of the common man, Robert Trujillo never proposed overthrowing the government by violence. He was a staunch proponent of peaceful change through legislation. He roused people to get the attention of legislators and policy makers through dialogue, petitions, letters, and peaceful demonstrations and sit ins. He was a follower of Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. and Mahatma Gandhi. Robert Trujillo was known by Colorado's legislators, policy makers and the media as a brilliant, generous, big-hearted, and peaceful man.With great joy and pride Mary Lou remembers all the voices in her home - African American, white, Native American, Latino - singing rousing songs of power, pride and overcoming. But she also remembers being shaken by desperate fear whenever her father was threatened and arrested for peaceful protests.Robert Trujillo took great personal risks for what he believed in and set an example of the power of peaceful protest in the state of Colorado. He left a legacy of peaceful political and social change. He also set a powerful example for his youngest daughter, Mary Lou, who went on to get her doctorate in Peace Studies. She has continued her father's work by advocating for justice and equality and by teaching peace, assertiveness training, decision-making and conflict resolution to young people.

Many people are too young to have witnessed what the United States did when revolution erupted in Cuba. Others from a previous generation remember the effort to snuff out the Cuban Revolution, while U.S. support of Chiang Kai-shek against the Chinese revolutionaries happened before their time. Almost nobody who observed day-to-day the actions of the United States against the Russian Revolution is still around.The effort to put down revolution has been a central focus of U.S. foreign policy in the 20th century, especially since World War II. Not only did the United States work to keep revolutions in Russia, China, Cuba, Vietnam, Angola, Nicaragua, and other countries from winning, but it maintained a strong hostility for years, even decades, after they had won. Many writers trace the beginning of the cold war from 1945 without considering what went before. Actually, the cold war was in good part a continuation of the deep hostility of the United States to the 1917 Russian Revolution and the socialist state it created-a hostility only par­tially interrupted by World War II.The U.S. posture toward revolution remains one of the world's crucial questions. In opposing revolution, the United States is opposing the striving of peoples around the world to free themselves from poverty, oppression, and exploitation. For many of these peoples there is no solution except to break out by revolution from the social, economic, and political conditions which hem in their societies. And the United States' hostility to revolution creates a permanent threat of U.S. military interven­tion in one place or another.

Based upon exhaustive research in all presidential libraries from Hoover to Clinton, the voluminous archives of the African National Congress [ANC] at Fort Hare University in South Africa, along with allied archives of the NAACP, the Ford and Rockefeller fortunes, etc., this is the most comprehensive account to date of the entangled histories of apartheid and Jim Crow that culminated in 1994 with the election of Nelson Mandela as president in Pretoria.The author traces in detail the close ties between e.g. Mandela, Robeson, and Du Bois--among others--and how their working in tandem with the socialist camp (particularly the Soviet Union and Cuba) was the deciding factor (along with the struggles of Africans and their allies on both sides of the Atlantic) in compelling the reluctant retreat of the comrades-in-arms: apartheid and Jim Crow. However, weeks after the collapse of the Berlin Wall the apartheid regime chose to free Mandela and to legalize the ANC and its close ally, the South African Communist Party--while anticommunism, a major ideological weapon of the ruling class in Washington and Pretoria alike, surged--putting the Mandela government in a weakened position in the prelude to the nation's first democratic elections in 1994 and thereafter.Also detailed in these riveting pages are the allied struggles in Namibia, Angola, Zimbabwe, Congo, Tanzania, Zambia and Mozambique, along with the massive solidarity movement in the U.S.--particularly among unions and students--that contributed mightily to victory.This is a story well worth studying as we continue to combat anticommunism--and struggle for socialism.

Hosea Hudson's story, as remarkable as it is, is one that could be told many times by determined southern blacks who have fought for freedom and justice throughout the historic southland. "Black Worker in the Deep South" brings memories of Martin Luther King's movement. We need to aleays rmember and remind ourselves of the strruggles such as Hosea Hudson's."Black Worker in the Deep South" is the autobiography of an unsung blacl leader who, as so many others, has been blotted out from history. It tells the odyssey of Hosea Hudson from a poor Klan infested country town in Georgia, before the turn of the 20th centurry, to his triumph as one of the south's greatest black union presidents and civil rights leaders in Birmingham, Alabama.

This book is one of the most improtant works ever written on Jazz music. It is a virtual manifesto agains the ghettoization and the racist pigeonholing thast has afflicted the public's appreciation of this great music since its beginnings as ragtime a century ago. It exposes the lies and misconceptions that have surrounded this music, the attempts-made anew, it seems, each decade-to deny that jazz is one of the leading artistic forces of our time. It does this by convincing its readers of the special beauty of this great music of the Afro-American people