Böcker utgivna av Encounter Books,USA

Translation of: Triumf czlowieka pospolitego.

Presents insights into the history and culture of race for which Sowell has become famous. This book argues that as late as the 1940s and 1950s, poor Southern rednecks were regarded by Northern employers and law enforcement officials as lazy, lawless, and sexually immoral.

Former Director of Central Intelligence R. James Woolsey and former Romanian acting spy chief Lt. General Ion Mihai Pacepa, who was granted political asylum in the U.S. in 1978, describe why Russia remains an extremely dangerous force in the world, and they finally and definitively put to rest the question of who killed President Kennedy on November 22, 1963. All evidence points to the fact that the assassination‿carried out by Lee Harvey Oswald‿was ordered by Soviet Premier Nikita Khrushchev, acting through what was essentially the Russian leader‿s personal army, the KGB (now known as the FSB). This evidence, which is codified as most things in foreign intelligence are, has never before been jointly decoded by a top U.S. foreign intelligence leader and a former Soviet Bloc spy chief familiar with KGB patterns and codes. Meanwhile, dozens of conspiracy theorists have written books about the JFK assassination during the past fifty-six years. Most of these theories blame America and were largely triggered by the KGB disinformation campaign implemented in the intense effort to remove Russia‿s own fingerprints that blamed in turn Lyndon Johnson, the CIA, secretive groups of American oilmen, Howard Hughes, Fidel Castro, and the Mafia. Russian propaganda sowed hatred and contempt for the U.S. quite effectively, and its operations have morphed into many forms, including the recruitment of global terror groups and the backing of enemy nation- states. Yet it was the JFK assassination, with its explosive aftermath of false conspiracy theories, that set the model for blaming America first.

"This book expands on Mac Donald's ... reporting on 'the Ferguson effect' and the criminal-justice system. It deconstructs the central narrative of the Black Lives Matter movement: [in Mac Donald's view, it isn't] racist cops [that] are the greatest threat to young black males. On the contrary, it is criminals and gangbangers who are responsible for the high black homicide death rate"--Amazon.com.

We have a glut of text and trade books on American history. But what we don't have is a compact, inexpensive, authoritative, and compulsively readable book that will offer to intelligent young Americans a coherent, persuasive, and inspiring narrative of their own country. Such an account will shape and deepen their sense of the land they inhabit, and by making them understand that land's roots, will equip them for the privileges and responsibilities of citizenship in American society, and provide them with a vivid and enduring sense of membership in one of the greatest enterprises in human history: the exciting, perilous, and immensely consequential story of their own country. The existing texts simply fail to tell that story with energy and conviction. They are more likely to reflect the skeptical outlook of specialized professional academic historians, an outlook that supports a fragmented and fractured view of modern American society, and that fails to convey to young people the greater arc of that history. Or they reflect the outlook of radical critics of American society, who seek to debunk the standard American narrative, and has an enormous, and largely negative, effect upon the teaching of American history in American high schools and colleges. This state of affairs cannot continue for long without producing serious consequences. A great nation needs and deserves a great and coherent narrative, as an expression of its own self-understanding: and it needs to convey that narrative to its young effectively. It perhaps goes without saying that such a narrative cannot be a fairy tale or a whitewash of the past; it will not be convincing if it is not truthful. But there is no necessary contradiction between an honest account and an inspiring one. This account seeks to provide both.

Years ago, James V. Schall wrote Another Sort of Learning, a book listing those things you should read but probably were never required to read. It is not a curriculum, except maybe one "for life." This book you have in your hands is something of a mathematical tribute to Schall's basic idea and is aptly titled Another Sort of Mathematics. Like Schall's book, it is not a curriculum. It is, however, a list of some things from mathematics you should experience but probably were never required to experience. The theorems and proofs in this book represent, in a small way, some of the best that has been said within the discipline of mathematics.There is something unique in the human soul that can only be satisfied by wondering about mathematics. And that means, regardless of your background, this book is for you. Reclaim your mathematical inheritance. Embrace the mathematician within you. Choose to wonder.

You shall thank Alan Dershowitz for writing this [valuable] book.--Stephen Breyer, Former Associate Justice of the Supreme CourtIf reliable but uncertain intelligence predicted a mass casualty terrorist attack and indicated likely suspects, what preventive actions would be constitutionally authorized? Detention? Interrogation? Torture? What if the attack involved a weaponized virus? Should the government compel widespread inoculation that might kill hundreds of people while saving millions? What if an article describing how to circumvent the inoculation mandate was about to be published? Should censorship of the article be authorized? These are the sort of questions Alan Dershowitz has been asking for more than 60 years, in his teaching, writing, and litigation. Now, at age 86, he has written his magnum opus. In it, he suggests an overarching jurisprudential framework that would set limits to the ballooning power of what he calls "the preventive state." This important book offers unprecedented insights into one of the most underexamined developments of our age: the growing magnitude and frequency of cataclysmic threats, coupled with the increasingly effective--but increasingly intrusive--tools intended to predict and prevent them. Dershowitz responds to the urgent need for a jurisprudence that provides balance and accountability as both threats and preventive capabilities increase, threatening our security and our liberties. This masterful analysis should be read by everyone who cares about security, liberty, and democracy.

Gems of American History consists of twelve lectures, each one approximately eighty minutes long, delivered to public audiences over the years 1995 to 2019. They address a variety of fascinating and important subjects drawn from American history. Moreover, the volume conveys an eloquent lecture style hence it makes an excellent teaching tool for young professors and teachers. The topics include Benjamin Franklin's late conversion to the cause of American independence, the history of the Fourth of July holiday, American aviation and culture since the Wright Brothers, the Naval War College and history of U.S. grand strategy, a two-part series on the Constitutional history of American foreign policy, and more. In sum, the book is a rich and savory soup sure to entrance any reader interested in American history.

The volume before you arose out of a series of conferences and programs under the banner Restoring the American Story, directed primarily at educators working in both Jewish and non-Jewish school settings and educational nonprofits, and addressing itself to the various ways that the American tradition and the Jewish tradition are intertwined, and speak in strikingly similar and mutually supportive ways to some of the most fundamental human concerns--concerns that are foundational to what we call Western Civilization. Much of the book consists of papers and presentations arising out of these programs, particularly a conference held at Yeshiva University in spring of 2023, convened by the two editors of this volume, and attended by a lively group of teachers and other educators from around the country. We are grateful for the generous support of Mitch Julis, Elie Gindi, and the Jack Miller Center in these efforts. Other contributions have been added, and in some cases solicited for this volume, as the editors discerned gaps and potential points of interest and illumination.

● Angelo Codevilla, a towering intellect and prolific scholar, left an indelible mark on the study of political philosophy and the practice of American statecraft. An Italian immigrant, Codevilla embraced the American experiment with a fervent belief in its republican ideals. His academic journey took him to Rutgers, where his early promise in physics hinted at the analytical rigor he later applied to political philosophy. Pursuing his passion for understanding human governance, he earned a PhD under the legendary Leo Strauss at the Claremont Graduate School. A Naval officer and later a key figure on Capitol Hill, Codevilla seamlessly bridged the worlds of strategic policy and classical thought. His advocacy for missile defense during the Reagan Administration--a concept many deemed visionary--was matched only by his sharp critiques of the bipartisan political class. Codevilla's profound engagement with the writings of Machiavelli, Tocqueville, and America's Founders informed his incisive works, including The Character of Nations and America's Rise and Fall Among Nations. A translator of Machiavelli's The Prince and an unrelenting critic of technocratic governance, he inspired a generation of thinkers to confront uncomfortable truths about modernity and the American regime. This festschrift gathers the reflections of prominent scholars who honor Codevilla's enduring legacy and the clarity he brought to questions of liberty, strategy, and the fate of nations. Essential reading for students of history, politics, and statecraft, it celebrates a man whose insights continue to resonate in an age in search of wisdom.

The origin of COVID-19 has sparked relentless debate since 2020. But if we follow the science, the evidence for a lab-based origin is undeniable. In this book, we delve into the virus's genome, tracing compelling clues that point directly to human engineering. Yet this book's mission isn't just to settle the debate on COVID's origins; it's a wake-up call and a call to action. While the COVID-19 pandemic may be fading, the threat of future outbreaks looms--and they may be far deadlier. Irresponsible gain-of-function research, like the kind responsible for SARS-CoV-2, is accelerating at an alarming rate, unregulated and unchecked. This book urges a collective reckoning, highlighting the critical need to rein in gain-of-function experiments that toy with viral lethality or super-charge airborne transmission. If left unchecked, such research could lead to pandemics with catastrophic impacts, eclipsing the global turmoil of COVID-19. The author lays out a comprehensive set of policy changes at the federal and international level that, if implemented, could prevent a future, more deadly outbreak, while allowing important research to continue. The days of treating high-stakes virus manipulation as a "Wild West" science must end--before it ends civilization as we know it.

Age of Error examines the incompatibility between the obsession of Western elites with allegedly catastrophic climate change and net zero and the West's capacity to safely navigate a 21st century world riven by geopolitical tensions and the rise of China as a great power to rival the United States. Since the trauma of the 2008 financial crisis, Western democracies morphed into technocracies. Elected politicians lost legitimacy and sought to regain political authority by co-opting experts - central bankers, who failed to revive stagnant economies with ultra-low interest rates; public health experts, who gave politicians cover to impose draconian lockdowns during the Covid pandemic; and climate scientists to justify economically disastrous and socially divisive net zero energy policies when the Global South, including China, powers ahead with carbonizing their economies. A necessary accompaniment to dependence on experts is the growth of what's become known as the censorship industrial complex and the aggressive silencing of dissent, especially with respect to pandemic policies and climate change.The book provides a narrative account that takes the reader through the years 2006-2009, which form the gateway of the age of error in which we now live. It concludes by suggesting that the age of error will either be followed by a new age of realism or an age of catastrophe and the disintegration of the West to earn the epitaph: "The West's undoing was its own doing."

Why Democracy Needs the Rich challenges the prevailing narrative that wealth undermines democracy, offering a bold, thought-provoking case for the essential role of the rich in sustaining and enhancing democratic institutions. In a time when billionaires are often vilified as symbols of inequality and unchecked power, John O. McGinnis flips the script, arguing that the wealthy are not just vital contributors to innovation and economic growth but also indispensable counterbalances to the influence of other powerful groups. Drawing on history, economics, and political philosophy, McGinnis illustrates how the rich act as stabilizers in a democracy by funding civic institutions, championing diverse ideas, and driving technological progress. He reveals how wealth can counteract the sway of ideologically homogeneous elites in media, academia, and entertainment while serving as a check on the excesses of special interest groups and bureaucracies. With sharp analysis and compelling examples, this book explores the unique role of the wealthy in preserving the balance and dynamism of a free society. It highlights how their financial independence fosters ideological diversity and their investments fuel advancements that benefit all citizens, not just the elite. Far from being a defense of inequality, Why Democracy Needs the Rich is a powerful argument for understanding how wealth, in the right context, strengthens the foundations of representative democracy and fosters a more resilient, vibrant society.

This book is a banquet of the absurdities that Ivy League universities serve up to their students under the rubric of general education. Anyone who wonders how the graduates of America's elite institutions come by their jaundiced view of our country should start here. The few who refuse to "slack" are limited to the hard sciences and the few remaining excellent courses in the humanities. --Peter Wood, President, National Association of ScholarsIvy League universities can no longer be trusted to produce well-educated students. Even a cursory review of the course titles at top schools shows that these $320,000-plus diplomas may confer legacy prestige to graduates, but not necessarily knowledge or wisdom. At Cornell, for example, students can take Queer Girlhood, Beyoncé Nation, and Intersectional Disability Studies. The course list at Yale includes Pop Sapphism and Comparative Settler Geographies. At Princeton: Shoes. Penn offers Reality TV and Gender and Decolonizing French Food. Even worse, these courses actually fulfill general education requirements. It is still possible to earn a great education at Princeton, Harvard, Yale, Penn, Columbia, Brown, Cornell, or Dartmouth, but doing so requires prudence and persistence. In Slacking, Adam Kissel, Rachel Alexander Cambre, and Madison Marino Doan dedicate one chapter to each Ivy League college, providing specific information about the coursework that serious students should pursue to extract a real education from these decaying institutions. Every chapter concludes with two course lists, both of which meet the school's general education requirements. One displays the worst collection of courses that an inveterate "slacker" could take to skate through the requirements for entertainment, reinforcement of political biases, and narrow specialization. The other lists the best choice of courses a dedicated striver could take to acquire a well-rounded, content-rich liberal education. The contrast between the two sounds a rousing alarm bell for curriculum reform at America's best-known colleges.

The Summer After is the winner of the twenty-fourth New Criterion Poetry Prize. Beauty, glamour, vitality, love--and their fragility or resilience in a chaotic world--animate the poems in The Summer After. Drawn from travels real and imaginary, immersed in landscapes set loose by perpetual motion, these playful yet poignant encounters with aesthetic opulence journey through the exquisite kinesis of becoming, choreographing delicate fluctuations in the permeability between self and other, past and present, growth and decay, nature and art. Tempering ebullience with technique, passion with wit, their shapely stanzas and sinuous cadences uphold as their destination--their utopia, so to speak--a language limber enough to embody, and durable enough to preserve, moments in which sensory intensity gives way to illumination. Light glancing off Murano glass, reflections in a puddle, a tower carved from quartz, and other glittering images constitute the discoveries in this exuberant debut.

During the 20th century, Vietnam and Poland were both victims not only of devastating wars, but also of socialist planned economies that destroyed whatever war hadn't already. In 1990, Vietnam was still one of the poorest countries in the world, while Poland was one of the poorest in Europe. But in the three decades since then, both countries have drastically improved their citizens' standards of living and escaped the vicious cycle of national poverty. In this book, Rainer Zitelmann identifies the reasons behind the sensational growth of both nations' economies, drawing out the lessons that other countries can learn from these two success stories. To explain the source of their success, he returns to Adam Smith's 1776 treatise, The Wealth of Nations: the only way to overcome poverty is through economic growth, Smith wrote, and economic freedom is the crucial prerequisite for such growth. Developments over the past 250 years have proved Smith right. The market economy has led to a global decline in poverty unparalleled in human history. Compare this to the fifty years of "development aid" in Africa that have only entrenched the status quo, and it is clear which approach yields superior results. Despite these strides, almost ten percent of the world's population still lives in extreme poverty. So, what measures actually help to alleviate poverty today? Through a wealth of data and stories from the everyday lives of Polish and Vietnamese people who experienced reforms, Zitelmann demonstrates the persistent relevance of Smith's ideas to economic flourishing in the 21st century.

The premise of this book is that the America envisioned by the Founders-the constitutional republic-can only be saved by the red states. The blue states-notably California, New York and Illinois, but others as well-are already too far gone into woke socialism to recover anytime soon. But the red states themselves, with the possible exception of Florida, are also in trouble in a different way. Having also, like California, been one-party states for so long they have also been corrupted, but in a different way, disconnected from the conservative values of their constituents. The conventional wisdom and fear of red state locals is that the many migrants coming from blue states are closet liberals who will only make things worse. But the reverse is true. Serious constitutional conservatives they have become the cavalry come to rescue the red states from themselves and save our country for our children and grandchildren. The Southbound Train is the story of this unforeseen culture clash, which ultimately, despite great struggle, will have an optimistic ending for our country. The book centers on Tennessee as a paradigm for the red states but refers to others as well.

Political and cultural divisions today leave many wondering how America could have arrived at its present state. This book traces the source to an unlikely historical accident.The founding principles of the American Revolution--that all individuals have unalienable natural rights to life, liberty, and the fruits of their labor, and that governments should exist only to protect these rights--were a singularity in human history. The nation's failure to secure the slaves' equal rights to self-ownership led to a Civil War and the constitutional recognition of this vital principle. And yet, scarcely four decades later, social science faculties at the country's top colleges and universities repudiated the country's founding principles.The cause of this startling change was the education that hundreds of Americans received in German universities in the late 19th century. Germany's professoriate was dominated by state socialists who taught that individuals had no natural rights, only privileges granted to them by the government. American students absorbed these illiberal beliefs and upon their return, those who had earned PhDs established this country's first graduate-level programs and departments. Higher education was transformed, with disastrous results in the social sciences. Generation after generation of students (including those who went on to teach) were inculcated with essentially autocratic beliefs about the relationship of the individual to the state. Over the next several decades, American politics, journalism, law, and education evolved in directions inimical to the nation's founding principles, leaving the country increasingly fractured--not unlike the decades leading up to the first Civil War. This book will trace those changes. It will offer ways to change the trajectory of the country's political and educational culture and how to significantly lower taxes while maintaining government revenues, all, hopefully, to restore the original promise of American life.

This book aims to chronicle the ideological impulse as it has manifested itself since the French Revolution of 1789. Whether in the form of Jacobinism, Marxist-Leninism, National Socialism, Progressive Democracy, the New Left, or the New Woke Dispensation, one witnesses the same impatience with prudent reform and piecemeal change, the same propensity to ideological Manichaeism (people are guilty for who they are--belonging to the wrong class or race--and not what they have done), the same replacement of the age-old distinction between good and evil by the illusory distinction between Progress and Reaction, the same denial of free will and moral agency, and the same desire to to repudiate our civilized patrimony and to negate the very idea of a natural order of things that cannot be engineered out of existence. And, of course, in each manifestation of the Ideological Lie, as the dissidents in the Communist East called it, we witness unrelieved contempt for a self-limiting constitutional order rooted in self-government and the rule of law. In the new Woke Dispensation, self-loathing and limitless contempt for our Western inheritance and American civic tradition are mandatory requirements of commitment to an understanding of "democracy" that is nothing but a "mangled wreck," to cite the memorable words of Abraham Lincoln. The book will also explore the efforts of assorted ideologists and totalitarian fanatics over the last two centuries to create a fictive "Second Reality" to replace the only human condition we know. The books draws on the prophetic and prescient insights of Dostoevsky, Solzhenitsyn, Raymond Aron, Eric Voegelin, and Kenneth Minogue to analyze the ideological war on moderation, common sense, and civilized liberty. It traces the appropriation of fundamentally ideological conceptions of race, class, and "gender" to deny common sense and the mutual moral accountability that underlies a liberal order that continues to honor traditional wisdom and good sense. The book also argues that our failure to learn the right lessons from the totalitarian tragedy of the twentieth century (and to energetically pass on those lessons to new generations) allowed the ideological virus to metastasize in new and terrible ways. With gender theory, for example, our new Jacobins war on human nature (and common sense) in a way that did not even cross the minds of revolutionary nihilists in earlier century. The final sections of the book analyze the nature and roots of the omnipresent "culture of repudiation" as the late Roger Scruton called it, and multiple paths for overcoming it and despotism old and new.

Who is the American working class? Do they still have a fair shot at the American Dream? What do they think about their chances to secure the hallmarks of a middle-class life? While writing this book, Batya Ungar-Sargon visited states across the nation to speak with members of the American working-class fighting tooth and nail to survive. In Second Class, working-class Americans of all races, political orientations, and occupations share their stories--cleaning ladies, health care aides, cops, truck drivers, fast food workers, electricians, and more. In their own words, these working-class Americans explain the struggles and triumphs of their increasingly precarious lives--as well as what policies they think would improve them. Second Class combines deep reporting with a look at the data and expert opinion on America's emergent class divide, in which the most basic elements of a secure and stable life are increasingly out of reach for those without a college education. America has broken its contract with its laboring class. So, how do we get back to the American Dream? How do we once again become the land of opportunity, the promised land where hard work and commitment to family are enough to protect you from poverty? It's not that hard actually. All it would take, as this book illustrates, is for those in power to once again respect the dignity of work--and the American worker.

Exposes Arabella Advisors as a major "dark money" operation that channels billions into progressive causes through opaque networks and deceptive grassroots groups, revealing its significant influence on U.S. politics and its far-reaching impact on issues from Supreme Court nominations to election manipulation."Ever heard of Arabella Advisors? Probably not. And that's strange, since they've done a lot to destroy the world you grew up in. You should know, so read this book."--Tucker Carlson While billionaires like George Soros, Bill Gates, and Warren Buffett are well known as left-wing megadonors transforming the country's politics, few Americans know about Arabella Advisors, a "dark money" operation that channels much of this money into particular causes via pop-up groups designed to look like grassroots outfits. Citizens across the spectrum will be shocked to learn how Arabella's empire secretly operates using arrangements that produce the darkest of "dark money." Thanks to the author and his colleagues at the Capital Research Center, which first exposed Arabella, even the mainstream press have begun to report on this scandalous story. As this book reveals, Arabella is a major player in battles over Supreme Court nominations, environmentalism, abortion, Medicare for All, fake local news outlets, "Zuck Bucks" that manipulate election offices, lawsuits brought by Democratic super-lawyer (and Steele dossier booster) Marc Elias, and much more. The money is staggering. In the 2018 election cycle, Arabella's nonprofits took in $1.2 billion, more than double the fundraising of the Democratic National Committee and the Republican National Committee combined. In the 2020 election cycle, Arabella's fundraising spiked to $2.4 billion. This mountain of money explains why the left-leaning major media are alarmed. Arabella is "the indisputable heavyweight of Democratic dark money," warns the Atlantic. A "dark-money behemoth," says Politico. An "opaque network," says the New York Times, that funnels "hundreds of millions of dollars through a daisy chain of groups supporting Democrats and progressive causes."

"This is a reprint of a famous history"--

A law professor's memoir of his own ascendancy from prosecutor to influential legal thinker. From prosecuting murderers in Chicago, to arguing before the Supreme Court, to authoring more than a dozen books, Georgetown University law professor Randy Barnett has played an integral role in the rise of originalism-the movement to identify, restore, and defend the original meaning of the Constitution. Thanks in part to his efforts, by 2018 a majority of sitting Supreme Court justices self-identified as "originalists." After writing seminal books on libertarianism and contract law, Barnett pivoted to constitutional law. His mission to restore "the lost Constitution" took him from the schoolhouse to the courthouse, where he argued the medical marijuana case of Gonzeles v. Raich in the Supreme Court-a case now taught to every law student. Later, he devised and spearheaded the constitutional challenge to Obamacare. All this earned him major profiles in such publications as the  Washington Post, Wall Street Journal, and New York Times. Now he recounts his compelling journey from a working-class kid in Calumet City, Illinois to "Washington Power Breaker," as the Congressional Quarterly Weekly called him. In A Life for Liberty, Barnett writes candidly about his career strategies, and how he overcame his outsider status, his insecurities, and the mistakes he made along the way. The engaging story of his rise from obscurity to one of the most influential thinkers in America is an inspiring how-to guide for anyone seeking real-world advancement of justice and liberty for all.