Politik

Hailed as "the most dramatic and comprehensive account" of the early years of Russian capitalism New York Times Book Review

Billionaire Warren Buffet, currently the third wealthiest man in the world, paid the lowest rate of tax among his office staff, including his receptionist. Tax havens are the most important single reason why poor people and poor countries stay poor. The author shows how this happened, and what this means for you.

A brilliantly illuminating and darkly comic tale of the ongoing financial and political crisis in America. The financial crisis that exploded in 2008 isn't past but prologue. The grifter class-made up of the largest players in the financial industry and the politicians who do their bidding-has been growing in power, and the crisis was only one terrifying manifestation of how they've hijacked America's political and economic life.Matt Taibbi has combined deep sources, trailblazing reportage, and provocative analysis to create the most lucid, emotionally galvanizing account yet written of this ongoing American crisis. He offers fresh reporting on the backroom deals of the bailout; tells the story of Goldman Sachs, the "vampire squid wrapped around the face of humanity"; and uncovers the hidden commodities bubble that transferred billions of dollars to Wall Street while creating food shortages around the world.This is essential reading for anyone who wants to understand the labyrinthine inner workings of this country, and the profound consequences for us all.

Mexico making a bid for global supremacy? Poland becoming America's closest ally? World War III taking place in space? It might sound fantastic but all these things can happen. This title offers a readable forecast of the changes we can expect around the world during the 21st century. It predicts where and why future wars will erupt.

The Oxford Handbooks of Political Science are the essential guide to the state of political science today. With engaging contributions from major international scholars The Oxford Handbook of Political Methodology provides the key point of reference for anyone working throughout the discipline.

This Oxford Handbook assembles the world's leading scholars in International Relations to present diverse perspectives about purposes, questions, theories, and methods. It will become the first point of reference for scholars and students interested in these key issues.

Alan Sokal, best-known for his role in the 'Sokal Hoax', here turns his attention to a new set of targets - pseudo-science, religion, and misinformation in public life. He argues that clear thinking, combined with a respect for evidence, are of the utmost importance to the survival of the human race in the twenty-first century.

This volume presents five of Cicero's most famous defence speeches: of Roscius, accused of murder; of Murena, accused of bribery; of Archias, on a citizenship charge; of Caelius, accused of violence; and of Milo, accused of murdering Cicero's hated enemy Clodius. These new translations achieve new standards of accuracy and introductions and notes guide the reader through the speeches.

Following the enormous success of HITLER: HUBRIS this book triumphantly completes one of the great modern biographies. No figure in twentieth century history more clearly demands a close biographical understanding than Adolf Hitler; and no period is more important than the Second World War. Beginning with Hitler's startling European successes in the aftermath of the Rhinelland occupation and ending nine years later with the suicide in the Berlin bunker, Kershaw allows us as never before to understand the motivation and the impact of this bizarre misfit. He addresses the crucial questions about the unique nature of Nazi radicalism, about the Holocaust and about the poisoned European world that allowed Hitler to operate so effectively.

'Frances Stonor Saunders has almost single-handedly started off a branch of sub-history; the cultural cold war. Who Paid The Piper? is an extraordinarily good book and I do recommend it to anyone who's remotely interested in the period'- Ian McEwan author of Sweet Tooth

Here is a pioneering account of everyday life under Stalin, written by one of the foremost authorities on modern Russian history. Focusing on urban areas, the book is an eye-opening account of day-to-day life in the blighted urban landscape of 1930's Russia

In what remains after more than a century the greatest study of American political life, Tocqueville describes American society and accounts for its nature and its conflicts in an historical analysis of the nation's origins among different parties of European settlers.

Guerin is a prolific writer whose '30's work on fascism is something of a Marxist classic. This emphatically pro-anarchist essay fails to define key polemical terms like "the state": it lacks the informality, and philosophical sensitivity of first-rate French political writing. Noam Chomsky's introduction echoes the view of anarchism as a "libertarian" brand of socialism. Guerin's thematic presentation of nineteenth-century anarchist theory expounds and abundantly excerpts from Proudhon and Bakunin, with ancillary reference to Kropotkin, Stirner, et al. The section on "practice" portrays the Bolsheviks as evil dictators and the Russian anarchists as unsung heroes of 1917, glances at the Italian left of Gramsci's day, and deals richly deserved blows to Stalinist policy in the Spanish Civil War without pursuing the significance of the Spanish anarchists' vacillation between anti-political purity and political opportunism. Guerin concludes with a call for unadulterated postrevolutionary workers' control, quite indifferent to the question of how or why to make a revolution. The habit of "forcing history" which Sartre noted in Guerin's work is here, but not enough of the "enriching" quality, especially with respect to the social roots of anarchism. Yet the subject has enough intrinsic and topical importance to draw a political-intellectual audience. (Kirkus Reviews)

This volume contains astrological and historical data relating to the formation of countries and governments.

Noam Chomsky's backpocket classic on wartime propaganda and opinion control begins by asserting two models of democracy-one in which the public actively participates, and one in which the public is manipulated and controlled. According to Chomsky, "propaganda is to democracy as the bludgeon is to a totalitarian state," and the mass media is the primary vehicle for delivering propaganda in the United States. From an examination of how Woodrow Wilson's Creel Commission "succeeded, within six months, in turning a pacifist population into a hysterical, war-mongering population," to Bush Sr.'s war on Iraq, Chomsky examines how the mass media and public relations industries have been used as propaganda to generate public support for going to war. Chomsky further touches on how the modern public relations industry has been influenced by Walter Lippmann's theory of "spectator democracy," in which the public is seen as a "bewildered herd" that needs to be directed, not empowered; and how the public relations industry in the United States focuses on "controlling the public mind," and not on informing it. Media Control is an invaluable primer on the secret workings of disinformation in democratic societies.

We are experiencing a clash between two competing visions of the world. Examining geopolitics as a struggle between global powers over these different visions, Bruno Maçães argues that this struggle is likely to be determined more by technological dominance than control of physical territory.

KIM JONG FUN: Party Hard the North Korean Way is a political parody that pretends to be written by none other than the North Korean leader and promises to lead all LOYAL COMRADES to PUT THE 'PARTY' IN 'WORKERS' PARTY OF KOREA'!

A sweeping yet penetrating collection of interviews with Noam Chomsky, exploring the most pressing global concerns of our time.In these illuminating interviews conductedby C.J. Polychroniou, Noam Chomsky yet again shares his brilliant insights on an array of struggles and challenges facing humanity. A Livable Future Is Possible addresses artificial intelligence and the potential for such programs to surpass humans in cognitive awareness; what lies ahead for a world engulfed in a deadly climate crisis; the rise of neo-fascism internationally, and why we should organize across borders to confront it; the striking similarities between Trump and Biden's foreign policies; and a number of other critical issues gripping the planet.Noam Chomsky has been an incomparable model of moral clarity and intellectual courage during his many decades as a scholar and critic. He is the most cited living scholar. One would be hard-pressed to find a more influential voice than Chomsky's in the West. A Livable Future Is Possible is not only an urgent and informative resource, it is a call-to-action for those hoping to help carry the torch of one of history's greatest minds.

Palestine is a microcosm of the world: wretched, raging, fraught, and fragmented. On fire. Stubborn. Ineligible. Dignified. The lens we lend the Palestinian reveals how we see each other; how we see everything else. The world continues to witness perverse violence unfolding on our screens; broken limbs, homes and futures permeate our dreams. In this context of numbing horror, Mohammed El-Kurd writes a defiant elegy, an ode to the indelible existence of his nation, to the Palestinian condition of resistance and refusal.With lyrical precision, El-Kurd dissects ‘humanization’ as a deeply misguided tactic of the marginalized, revealing the perplexing logic at its heart: the desire to make humans out of humans. Rather than shrinking the scope of Palestinian humanity to victimhood, El-Kurd demands that friends and foes look Palestinians in the eye, forgoing condemnation and deference. Instead, solidarity with Palestine requires recognizing it as a universal cause, irreverently mocking the delusions of its oppressors, and building movements rooted in dignity.Perfect Victims plunges into the depths of heartbreak to sculpt language for the brutality of genocide, resurfacing as a steady, inextinguishable flame.

The Book That Launched MAGA Nation The media scoffed at Trump’s vision and the people who supported him; they were blinded by the Clinton machine. But their eyes were opened after Trump won sixty-two million votes and the Oval Office in 2016. Even Republican House Speaker Paul Ryan said, “Donald Trump heard a voice in this country that no one else heard.” He still does. Donald Trump puts “America’s interests first—and that means doing what’s right for our economy, our national security, and our public safety.” He made the biggest deals of his life as President of the United States, but there are more deals to be made. From ending the border crisis to enacting policies to eliminate regulations that restrict small businesses, Donald Trump understands that America “doesn’t need cowardice, it needs courage.” It is Time to Get Tough

This book spells out a new framework for humanitarian aid in the long emergency of climate change. Looking ahead to the massive needs of the late 2020s and the 2030s, Hugo Slim shows how current ethics and action in the sector are necessary, but not sufficient, for the new moral and operational challenges of our planetary crisis. Humanitarianism 2.0 offers a series of practical ethical pathways for aid workers and organisations to reimagine and redesign their purpose in the increasing number of climate-related disasters around the world. Slim expands the fundamental principle of humanity to include the protection of nature in humanitarian ethics, and also faces up to the hard challenge of impartiality and prioritisation in a universal emergency. He then recognises anticipation, adaptation, mitigation and locally led aid as humanitarian obligations in climate-related disasters. Like everything else in the climate and nature crisis, humanitarian ethics need adaptation. Slim's bold, smart and much-needed proposals show the way.

Since the formation of the state of Israel in 1948, the Nakba (or 'disaster' as the Palestinians call it), there have been many opportunities to move towards peace and equality between Palestine and Israel - after the Six-Day War in 1967, the Oslo Agreement and even the 7 October 2023 War. Each opportunity has been rejected by Israel, which is why life is unbearable in the West Bank now and there is genocide in Gaza. This book explores what went wrong again and again, and why. And how it could still be different. It is human nature to feel prejudice. But in this haunting meditation on Palestine and Israel, Shehadeh suggests that this does not mean the two nations cannot live together to their mutual benefit and co-existence. In graceful, devastatingly observed prose, this is a fresh reflection on the conflict in a time of great need.

Bernays proporciona mucha información sobre algunas de las instituciones más poderosas e influyentes de las democracias capitalistas estatales industriales contemporáneas."-Noam Chomsky"La manipulación consciente e inteligente de los hábitos y opiniones organizados de las masas es un elemento importante en la sociedad democrática. Aquellos que manipulan este mecanismo invisible de la sociedad constituyen un gobierno invisible que es el verdadero poder gobernante de nuestro país."-Edward BernaysEdward Bernays, una figura importante y controvertida del pensamiento político y las relaciones públicas, fue pionero en un método científico llamado "ingeniería del consentimiento". Durante la Primera Guerra Mundial, desempeñó un papel crucial en el Comité de Información Pública (CPI) de Estados Unidos, una poderosa máquina de propaganda que empaquetó y vendió la guerra a los estadounidenses como una forma de "hacer el mundo seguro para la democracia". Las estrategias del PCI se convirtieron en el modelo para el marketing de guerra futura.Más tarde, Bernays aplicó estas técnicas, influenciado por Walter Lipmann y su tío Sigmund Freud, defendiendo la propaganda como una herramienta para manipular tanto la democracia como los intereses corporativos. Su libro de 1928, *Propaganda*, predijo inquietantemente cómo la propaganda podría moldear el pensamiento colectivo en el gobierno, la política, el arte, la ciencia y la educación. Leerlo hoy revela cómo nuestras instituciones contemporáneas utilizan la manipulación organizada para influir en las masas. En este influyente trabajo, Bernays exploró la psicología detrás de la manipulación masiva, incluido el uso de acciones simbólicas y propaganda, a lo que ahora nos referimos como "marca".

Traditionally, American Jews have been broadly liberal in their political outlook; indeed African-Americans are the only ethnic group more likely to vote Democratic in US elections. Over the past half century, however, attitudes on one topic have stood in sharp contrast to this group's generally progressive stance: support for Israel.Despite Israel's record of militarism, illegal settlements and human rights violations, American Jews have, stretching back to the 1960s, remained largely steadfast supporters of the Jewish "homeland". But, as Norman Finkelstein explains in an elegantly-argued and richly-textured new book, this is now beginning to change.Reports by Human Rights Watch, Amnesty International and the United Nations, and books by commentators as prominent as President Jimmy Carter and as well-respected in the scholarly community as Stephen Walt, John Mearsheimer and Peter Beinart, have increasingly pinpointed the fundamental illiberalism of the Israeli state. In the light of these exposes, the support of America Jews for Israel has begun to fray. This erosion has been particularly marked among younger members of the community. A 2010 Brandeis University poll found that only about one quarter of Jews aged under 40 today feel "very much" connected to Israel.In successive chapters that combine Finkelstein's customary meticulous research with polemical brio, Knowing Too Much sets the work of defenders of Israel such as Jeffrey Goldberg, Michael Oren, Dennis Ross and Benny Morris against the historical record, showing their claims to be increasingly tendentious. As growing numbers of American Jews come to see the speciousness of the arguments behind such apologias and recognize Israel's record as simply indefensible, Finkelstein points to the opening of new possibilities for political advancement in a region that for decades has been stuck fast in a gridlock of injustice and suffering.